She also told the Variety that if she worked for the U.S. Department of Defense, she would be opposed to the granting of a Chinese visa waiver for Guam, and explained why. She also said the Japanese Parliament will probably be dissolved in either March or June of next year, with national elections held in April or July.
As minister of state for Okinawa and Northern Territories affairs when the now opposition Liberal Democratic Party was in power, Takaichi was directly involved in planning and negotiating the Futenma relocation, so the Variety was very eager to hear her opinion on the current state of this project — especially in light of the failure of the U.S. Congress’ supercommittee to reach an agreement on deficit reduction, and the potential impact this could have on American funding for both the Futenma move and the related military buildup on Guam.
Takaichi said she is worried, both because of the potential U.S. budget problems and also because of the political situation in Japan, especially on Okinawa. In keeping with her rather hawkish reputation, she expressed the view that a continued American military presence on Okinawa is absolutely essential for the security of Japan, especially in light of China’s buildup of its naval forces and advances in military technology.
As such, she was extremely critical of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama of the current ruling Democratic Party of Japan and his administration who, when they took power in 2009, reopened the possibility of relocating Futenma (and other U.S. bases) off of Okinawa entirely.
In Takaichi’s view, this was a terrible mistake that derailed the whole Futenma relocation process she and her colleagues in the LDP had spent 13 years developing — a process she feels is really the only viable option when all factors are taken into account.
Takaichi said if the LDP had remained in power, the construction of the new air strip in Henoko would have started last year, and she is “almost 100 percent certain it would have been completed on schedule in 2014.” Now, however, she believes “Futenma’s relocation could be delayed by 10 years.” The crucial problem, in her view, is that prior to the DPJ’s assumption of power in 2009, the governor of Okinawa, Hirokazu Nakaima, had approved the relocation plan, and the city of Nago, in which Henoko is located, had a pro-relocation mayor, Yoshikazu Shimabukuro.
Following the takeover of the national government by the DPJ, which advocated a more distant policy regarding the United States, staunchly anti-relocation candidate Susumu Inamine defeated Shimabukuro, and Gov. Nakaima changed his position. Therefore, the national government, which now expresses full support for the Futenma relocation plan, is back to square one regarding getting local Okinawan approval for the plan, according to Takaichi. In the delicate negotiations leading up to the earlier approval, she herself spent countless hours “drinking sake until late in the night” with many of the key people involved on the Okinawan side.
According to Takaichi, under the LDP negotiated plan, Okinawa (especially the Nago area) now also receives 10 billion yen (about $120 million) per year in special economic support, which she says was clearly tied to the Futenma relocation. She asserts, however, that the DPJ continued the payments as a kind of recognition of the special difficulties Okinawa faced in the post-war years, with no strings attached — another huge blunder, in her opinion.
Given her long support of the LDP and deep loyalty to the party, it is perhaps no surprise Takaichi believes the Futenma matter will never be resolved as long as the DPJ remains in power. With this is mind, she seems to be very eager for new elections to be held. Under Japan’s parliamentary system, these are required whenever the ruling party loses a vote of no-confidence in the National Assembly. She expects that to happen next year, in either April or July. She is very much hoping for an LDP victory, although she thinks it will probably take them quite a long time to get the Futenma move back on track, even if they win.
Given her expertise in national security affairs and passion for the subject, the Variety was also very interested in Takaichi’s opinion on the Russian and Chinese visa waivers for Guam. In response to the Variety’s inquiry, she replied: “If I worked for the U.S. Department of Defense, I would be opposed.”
Questioned why, she told of her concerns related to the National Defense Mobilization Law of the People’s Republic of China, which was enacted in 2010. According to her understanding of this law, almost every Chinese citizen is required to participate in China’s military activities in the event of war, including overseas Chinese residents. In Takaichi’s words, “even all the Chinese cooks in restaurants here in Japan” would be subject to mobilization — despite having military training or not.
