Campaigning is not the same as governing. Once in charge of the world’s second largest economy and a nation that is also America’s most important ally in Asia, Hatoyama, like other chief executives, had to make tough choices, some of which were unpopular.
On May 23rd, he publicly apologized for reneging on his campaign promise. “I did my best to see if we could relocate [the base] outside Okinawa,” Hatoyama said. “I deeply apologize for not being able to stay true to my word and for betraying the hopes of the people of Okinawa.” On June 2nd, he resigned. He conceded that “he had failed to win public support for his administration’s handling of the economy and, crucially, his recent decision on the fate of a U.S. military base on the southern island of Okinawa.” And what was his excuse? He had none but his “failings.” He explained that “there was no choice but to keep the base on Okinawa…. I sincerely hope people will understand the agonizing choice I had to make.”
“Funny people, the Japanese,” writes an Australian columnist. “When one of their prime ministers breaks a campaign promise, he doesn’t give endless excuses and try to cling on; he quits.”
But Hatoyama wasn’t just being Japanese when he resigned. He was also being a leader. He was in charge. He didn’t do what he vowed to do. He blamed no one but himself. He took responsibility for his failure.
I think it also helps that the people of Japan expect and demand that their leaders act like leaders.
Like people, like government.
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In the CNMI, the governor inherited huge problems when he was first sworn in more than four years ago. But he won the election precisely because he pledged to solve these problems. He didn’t and no one bought his excuses.
Yet he was re-elected by a majority of the votes cast. The last time the CNMI gave its governor a second term was in 1985. Moreover, the last time more than half of CNMI voters backed a gubernatorial candidate was in 1993.
Although the governor is clearly the shrewdest politician of them all, he has, since 2006, shown no interest in approaching the CNMI problems through thoughtful policies. It seems that all he wants to do is to reward supporters and punish opponents. Even when coping with crises, his approach is still political: the primary consideration is how his loyalists can benefit from his actions. For the governor, the exercise of power is an end in itself and not as a means to a greater end.
Not surprisingly, he has an “impromptu” governing style. He reacts to a problem when it’s already a full-blown emergency, and his preferred response is to be exempted from the rules, including procurement regs. In his first year in office, he demanded and got 100 percent reprogramming powers and a law authorizing him not to pay the Retirement Fund. (Last year, the court declared that law unconstitutional.) He ended the autonomy of MPLA.
He declared a state of emergency for CUC, CPA and CHC so he could take over their management. He threatened to do the same for CDA. He may soon declare an “emergency” for the Retirement Fund. It is also likely that the Covenant Legislature will, once again, grant him extensive reprogramming powers so he can find the funds for CUC’s fuel. (MPLT may be “raided” again.) The lawmakers who love their jobs don’t want to make tough decisions and the governor, who can no longer seek re-election, is more than willing to do it for them.
I also expect lawmakers to put the Retirement Fund bond on the ballot and perhaps, later, another constitutional amendment that will allow the government to borrow for its operations.
The leaders of the CNMI are basically winging it, and the scary part is that the public is taking all this lying down.
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